Joschka Fischer"Nu behövs ett statsmannalikt ledarskap... Europas ledare, först och främst Tyskland och Frankrike" Under 90-talet var det drömmen om federationen som dominerade sinnena och euron fick symbolisera den nya europeiska staten. Britter och svenskar har ett viktigt gemensamt Europaintresse, Joschka Fischer has said that an EU of 25
members must now reach a third strategic dimension. He calls for an EU that is
a "strategic" entity, a continental-type power comparable to the United States,
India, China or Russia Fischer has said that an EU of 25 members must now reach a third strategic dimension beyond what he defines as the two initial historic and pragmatic phases of its development. He calls for an EU that is a "strategic" entity, a continental-type power comparable to the United States, India, China or Russia, able to punch its weight in confronting threats to stability in the world. This involves dumping as outdated Fischer's earlier idea of an expanded EU led by small pioneer groups. And it also means opening the way for the EU's rapid inclusion of Turkey, which Fischer says has "a bridging function" between Europe and Islam in an ominously described "structure of conflict of the 21st century." Fischer gets an extremely careful hearing as a marquee player in European affairs who has flirted with a candidacy for the post of Europe's first foreign minister. In turning away from the pioneer groups that he once urged as a means of saving an expanded Europe from a bog of immobility, Fischer has implicitly bargained for conflict with France, which regards them as means of sustaining its hand on a European leadership role. And what of strategic Europe's relationship with America? Could Fischer be refashioning France's view of a multipolar world in which Europe would become a counterbalancing force to the United States? Fischer argues the undertaking involves bringing Turkey into the EU to better deal with the security issues at the edge of Europe's "neighborhood." This step, he says, would mean a "strategic victory" against terrorism. But last week, Michel Barnier, the new French foreign minister, with an eye on another possible defeat for President Jacques Chirac's neo-Gaullists in the June European Parliament elections, insisted that "there's no question of Turkey's entry in the middle or short term." Jean-Claude Juncker, tipped by many to become the next
president of the European Commission, urged other European leaders to accept a
"two-speed" Europe only as a last resort Fischer puts forward deal on new EU constitution Germany signalled its determination on
Monday to press ahead with building a two-speed Europe, in the face of Sweden's
resounding decision not to join the euro. Joschka Fischer, German foreign minister, said European countries should continue to pursue deeper integration in areas such as the economy and defence. His vision, shared by countries including France, Belgium and Luxembourg, would see a core of EU countries forging closer defence links and increasing economic co-ordination. Countries such as Britain, Denmark and Sweden, outside the euro and sceptical of defence initiatives, could become part of an outer circle, along with many new EU members from the former communist bloc. Mr Fischer, who said he was "not happy" with the Swedish result, urged a deeper European union at both political and economic levels. Europe must also become a world force in security, he said. "The EU wasn't designed for war and peace. . . but we have common interests and we [must come together] again on the security issue." The draft of the new EU constitutional treaty, due to be finalised in December, would open the way for countries to work more closely on defence and allow the 12 eurozone members to increase economic co-operation. But the Swedish No vote has served as a warning to European leaders that voters may not be prepared to endorse a treaty that heralds new integration. The EU constitution, designed to streamline EU decision-making and improve European action in areas such as foreign affairs and asylum policy, has to be ratified by all 25 members of an enlarged union. Denmark and Ireland, which will definitely hold referendums, have voted No to EU treaties. Among those countries also considering referendums are France, Italy, Spain, the Netherlands and Portugal. If any country refuses to ratify, the new constitution would be killed off, leaving the enlarged EU facing possible gridlock. Alternatively, countries refusing to ratify could be asked to leave the union. Anna Lindh säger, med självklar
tillhörighet i den europeiska politiska adeln, att det är komplett
obegripligt att det finns så många som inte vill införa euron
i Sverige. Kanske är det en anledning till problemen inom den
socialdemokratiska ja-kampanjen. Anna Lindh, solbränd och tjusigast av världens utrikesministrar och Joschka Fischer, för dagen på grund av den tropiska hettan utan den tredelade kostymen. Med den inramningen är själva seminariet något av en besvikelse. Anna Lindh säger, med självklar tillhörighet i den europeiska politiska adeln, att det är komplett obegripligt att det finns så många som inte vill införa euron i Sverige. Kanske är det en anledning till problemen inom den socialdemokratiska ja-kampanjen. De står främmande inför vad som just nu är en stabil majoritet av deras väljare. Det måste vara svårt att övertyga människor om man inte alls begriper vad de oroar sig för. Joschka däremot är både en slipad retoriker och en varm Europavän, och hans entusiasm är medryckande. För den som är federalist är ju heller inte de politiska argumenten för euron så svåra att driva hem. Den gemensamma valutan kommer att leda till ökad integration av den ekonomiska politiken, precis som både Joschka Fischer och Expressen vill. För svenska socialdemokrater däremot är det svårare, vilket Ringholms ansträngda ansiktsuttryck tydde på. De försökte på seminariet vifta bort åsiktsskillnaderna om federalismen som en fråga om ordförståelse, men paradoxen kvarstår. I alla europeiska länder ser man på euron som en del av ett allt tätare samarbete. I Sverige vill socialdemokraterna införa euron, men helst stå utanför det euron kommer att leda till. Och ja-sidans problem är tydliga här i Visby. På den borgerliga kanten har en strategi varit att utmåla nejsägarna som skumma extremister. När jag redan på måndagen stötte ihop med en grupp typiska ungmoderater, den moderna sorten, snygga, etniskt heterogena och klädda i tajta ljusblå t-shirts, trodde jag förstås att de jobbade i någon av ja-kampanjerna. På nära håll såg jag att i mörkare blått på deras tröjor stod Medborgare mot EMU. De kampanjade alltså för ett nej. En anledning till nej-sidans inbrytning bland kärnmoderata väljare gav Fischer, omedvetet, uttryck för när han förklarade att: "Om vi hade haft en gemensam europeisk uppfattning i Irakfrågan skulle det aldrig blivit något Irakkrig." Vad han rimligen menade var att om alla andra europeiska länder hade rättat sig efter Frankrike och Tyskland skulle EU ha kunnat hindra USA från att störta Saddam Hussein. Fischer är förstås en större diplomat än Chirac, men meningen är densamma, ni borde tycka som vi, då fungerar EU bättre. Många borgerliga väljare är måttligt entusiastiska över att agera stödtrupp åt den tysk-franska axeln. Inte heller socialdemokraterna kan vara entydigt nöjda med den internationella stjärnglans Fischer spred. För det pratade han för mycket om de strukturreformer som euron leder till i Europa, reformer som vi förstås akut behöver i Sverige också, men som regeringen skyr som pesten. Ska ja-sidan alls ha en chans har man inte råd att gång på gång upprepa samma missgrepp. Att Nalin Pekgul nu engagerar sig för ett ja är en av de första positiva ja-nyheterna under hela året. Men en enda, om än aldrig så trovärdig, person kan inte lyckas om hela kampanjavdelningar famlar i mörkret. Joschka Fischer till Almedalen för Ja-sidan Alongside the shooting war in Iraq, another, less sensational
conflict has broken out. This is a struggle for influence between Europe and
the United States. Fischer predicts EU will become federation
Alongside the shooting war in Iraq,
another, less sensational conflict has broken out. This is a struggle for
influence between Europe and the United States. The best known protagonist in this war is of course the French President Jacques Chirac. But perhaps the most determined opponent of the Anglo-American project is the German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer. He is the most esteemed politician in Germany, and he is respected throughout what Donald Rumsfeld dismissed as "Old Europe" - the countries, led by Germany and France, which are opposed to the war. He is, as his biographer Michael Schwelien explains, a founder member of the 1968 generation. "We believed in sex and drugs and rock 'n' roll, and a little bit more." Embarrassment: Pictures show Fischer hitting a policeman
Fischer predicts EU will become
federation The European Union is set to develop into a federation of nation states, according to Joschka Fischer, Germany's foreign minister. "I would dare to prophesy that things will go this way. Certainly, not without crises or problems, but the pressure is in that direction," the Green party member predicted. Mr Fischer said such a federation seemed the only effective way to handle a European Union with up to 27 member states once its expected enlargement got under way from 2004. He said in an interview with the Financial Times: "We have three possibilities - intergovernmentalism; federalism; or a federation of nation states. In the light of experience, it would seem advisable to seek the third option as our next step even if the second has my full sympathy." He cited November's speech by Tony Blair in Warsaw - in which the prime minister put forward a model in which national legislatures would provide delegates to a future second chamber of the European parliament - as a decisive contribution to the debate on Europe's future. "Irrespective of my agreeing with all of it, for a British prime minister, he made the most important speech since Churchill's landmark speech on Europe" in Zurich in 1946, said Mr Fischer, referring to Sir Winston's call for a united states of Europe. Mr Fischer's comments come a year after his landmark speech at Berlin's Humboldt university setting out a vision for the future of Europe. He said on Wednesday: "I'm a convinced believer in the federal state. But visiting Westminster, I understood for the first time Britain's resistance above all to a transfer of the sovereignty of the House of Commons. "As I see Britain as an essential part of Europe and the EU, my question was: how should an integrated Europe be constituted, so that even England could cross this bridge? Or France, where nation cannot be divided from state?" Mr Fischer's thinking has developed in the light of reaction to his speech, especially with regard to the role of the Council of Ministers in the balance of power with the Parliament and the Commission. A year ago, he put forward alternatives for an executive - developing the Council into a fully-fledged European government or expanding the Commission, including direct election of a president. Today, he is convinced the former is the only answer. "The Council must become the executive, with the Commission, and give up its legislative responsibilities to the European parliament. Otherwise we will slide back into intergovernmentalism and have the problem that, in a union of 25 or 27 members, stagnation or negotiating difficulties will dominate."
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